
The origin of religion, if we are to put it that way, is not a mystery, which some scholars like to speculate and puzzle about. The word mystery suggests that it is possible to uncover what the mystery is; it tempts us to solve it as if it were some sort of puzzle. Here, however, if there is a factual account of origin we can give, if talk of origins here is intelligible, that account is not a mystery as much as it is simply lost. Yet at the same time, it is not lost for we have scattered remnants of what religion at one point might have been like. There are skeletal remains, artifacts, ritual diagrams, etc, which if we piece together may help to give us a picture of the beginnings of religion. I guess the sense the word ‘mystery’ plays here is in the hope that we can put all these puzzle pieces together to come up with some cohesive account, no matter how skeletal, that might show us the sense of a religion that early peoples might have had.
But the reason I say it is lost is because of what seems to count for evidence these days. There is no empirical evidence to point to in order to say “yes, here we have a religion” that can be tested scientifically and then proven to be so. In other words, there is no firm criteria to base the claim that a certain early people of this lost tradition or that vanished custom was practicing a religion in the sense the term ‘religion’ has for us today. All that can be done is to look at the scattered remains of long past peoples and perhaps speculate that religions, in the sense of ‘world religions’, possibly have their beginnings in such traditions.
Yet while those remains may speak volumes of the origins of religious tradition to one, it may say very little of religion, if religiosity can be spoken of here, to another. For example, just because one finds what seem to be valuable possessions in the graves of some, for example, Neandertals (in one case pollen was found suggesting flowers), it may not necessarily mean that they were religious or that they believed in anything – for example, life after death. All we can say is that they were buried with such things and it hints at such beliefs. And in a way, this is the proper procedure to go about reporting such findings if one is to remain honest to the discipline of science specifically and an ethics of pure description more generally. I do not mean to suggest by using the Neandertals as an example that we were directly related. The scientific evidence seems to be turning against this view. What I am saying is that if Neandertals had such practices, and their level of sophistication culturally was such that we can propose religion, it is not a great leap to propose the same of Homo sapiens, the burials of which we have ample evidence.
But it is difficult to ignore a sense of wonder at the fact that one would find anything in the grave of a Neandertal – or that there is a grave at all! Perhaps it derives from the fact that Neandertals not only lived up to 300,000 years ago, having disappeared, according to the fossil record 24,000 years ago. It is not commonly thought that Neandertals were more like us than a number of anthropology scholars of a particular school of thought would like to admit. If one takes their view, then familiar practices that we take for granted such as interment of the dead might seem misplaced in a society that is so far removed from ours such as the Neandertals’.
For these same anthropologists, Neandertals, due to certain mental and physiological traits should not be placed, in the same taxonomic category of Homo sapiens as we are, and as the Neandertals at one time were. The problem here has to do with the question of the origin of mankind: did we arise from a distinct lineage or was the Neandertal on our family line? Whichever the case, the Neandertals that were around previous to the modern form of Homo sapiens will have to be content for now with being named after a valley in
Yet if we consider these closely, it is not difficult to impute them onto homo neandertalensis, for what is meant by these words depends very much on who is in charge of the criteria. The sense of this can be put in the form of a question: who has the power to control what is meant by certain words? For example, intelligence today has a tremendous range of meaning. This is one of the reasons why the notion of the bell curve, along with so called I.Q. tests, were so heavily disputed against by those like the late Stephen Jay Gould. As far as language is concerned, what constitutes language is not so easily distinguished. Hand gestures that signify certain behaviors, objects, along with a kind of grammar, that is, a set of rules intrinsic to using the hand gestures could be thought as a kind of primitive language. We don’t need to go that far given that we know that Neandertal people had vocal tracts that are like ours. Given that they had such a structure and the fact that they had sufficient amount of things to talk about, it would be strange to say that the verdict is still out on whether or not they were able to speak intelligibly to one another. Aesthetic sensibility is another term that defies description. Who is to say what art is much less what beauty is but the society in which such descriptions are dependent upon the common sense of that society? And as far as mastery of complex technology goes, while Neandertals did not have the same kinds of tools as Homo sapiens, who at one point coexisted with Neandertals before their disappearance, the skill they used to craft these tools was quite complex, the mastery of which was most likely a requirement in order to make an adequate tool. This is nothing to say of the necessity of having certain kinds of tool-making methodology that likewise has a direct connection to the interest in making certain tools. One might argue that the tools Homo sapiens made, although perhaps of greater utility to us given their design, were not a necessary development given the skill of tool-making overall; in other words, caution should be used if one were to say that the tools that Homo sapiens designed were an ‘advancement’ generally. Thus, it won’t do to say that Neandertals were underdeveloped in making tools, that is, weren’t masters of complex technologies in comparison to the abilities of Homo sapiens. The latter’s tools, for example their weapons, were of efficient design with respect to killing capacity, a capacity which they were interested in their weapons having. A number of Neandertal weapons, one notices, are not of the same fashion as those of the Homo sapiens. But perhaps they may not have had the need in making such weapons. For example, it is yet not certain that they were big game hunters; one view is that they were scavengers. If so, the kinds of tools they made were effective enough for what they needed. And even if it is discovered definitively one day that Neandertals did hunt big game (which they most likely had), it can still be shown that the tools they had were adequate due to their physical makeup as well as in relation to the kind of animal they were hunting. According to anthropologist Michael Park, “The Neandertals were stocky, muscular, powerful people. This is seen even in the bones of Neandertal children, so it is assumed to be a result of inheritance, not simply of a hard-working lifestyle.”[3] If one does not need to have sophisticated weaponry to do certain work, one might ask what is supposed to act as the inspiration to make a better model tool? What is to count for the criteria of 'better' here? All kinds of valid answers might be given. But the answer that will not do to give is because they were not intelligent enough. We know that the intelligence of the Neandertal cannot be in question: they have sophisticated tools. Although the kind of sophistication does not match up with that of the Homo sapiens it is not a question of ability but perhaps of necessity. Now of course, it was later discovered that the Neandertals did develop more sophisticated tools to the point where it is difficult to discern the Homo sapiens’ tools from that of the Neandertals’. But this is not to say that such developments were necessary ones. All manner of reasons could be given for this happening, for example, exchange of ideas which comes from possible trade, living in a community, changing environment from climate fluctuation and migration, and so forth.
The strengths of these suppositions and confusions about Neandertals plays a weighty role in the story of religious studies. We find certain anthropological studies at times making logical leaps that don’t have any basis in reality and, consequently, they are transferred over to the study of religions; take for example the work done by past researchers like Frazer and Pritchard and compare them with what contemporary scholars like Dawkins and Dennett are doing. But perhaps these latter are far outside the field, even though they criticize belief in religion from a scientific vantage point. But there are descriptions of religious practices from within the field of religious studies that continue to make certain leaps without much substantiation other than what appears to be the case to certain anthropologists.
We can compare what the anthropologist says and what the scholar of religious studies says in order to see that, while the religious studies scholar gives more charity to the findings, she will more likely limit herself to the conclusions of anthropologists. The examples I’ll look at are still within the reference of genus homo neandertalensis and Homo sapiens, although more closely related to religious practices. The following is Park’s view, in relation to Neandertal burials and whether or not these contribute to the idea of them having a belief in the afterlife:
There is some debate, however, over whether or not these Neandertal burials had ritual significance. Did they represent belief in an afterlife or reverence for the physical remains of the deceased, or were the people simply disposing of a corpse, as seems to have been the case much earlier at Sima de los Huesos? The inclusion of animal bones in the graves may have been the result of the bones of both Neandertals and other animals being dragged by predators and scavengers into caves at the same time and subsequently buried by natural processes. The pollen found in a Neandertal grave at Shanidar, Iraq, may not have been from flowers placed in the gave but may have been brought in by burrowing rodents, carried in by water, or blowing in by wind at the time of burial. The jury is still out on this issue. But we know the Neandertals did sometimes bury their dead, for whatever reason.[4]
The origins of religion in human history remain a deep mystery. There are, however, some tantalizing hints to be found in the archaeological record, for example the very fact that there have been purposeful burials of human remains. Even among the Neanderthals we find that the dead were interred with flowers [notice: he does not mention pollen grains but full blown flowers] and artifacts, suggesting that those left behind may have believed that the dead had gone on to some other existence, but beyond the suggestion of this possibility we cannot go.[5]
Neanderthal people buried their dead with proper ceremonies, and seem to have believed in some kind of life after death. In the
While this presents a difficulty, we should not feel frozen by this dilemma. Much of the reason has to do with the fact that we are all still part of human communities. It is still possible, therefore, to understand, at least on some level, the practices of vastly differing communities or cultures. The important point to realize is that while we may find commonalities between our community and theirs, there are also differences which must be made plain that are just as important as the commonalities. The confusion is in assuming, consciously or unconsciously, that the similarities will somehow outweigh the differences. The mistake here is bringing to an observed community a set of assumptions which may or may not cohere with the community’s practices which are under consideration. This usually happens when one thinks that what’s important to him or her is important to all people regardless of culture or creed. Instead, in order to give a more accurate account one must look to what the practices of a said community are.
While religious studies scholars will advocate this position, what is the usual case is the opposite of what is supported. For example, after speaking about Shamanism as a possible point of origin for Asian religions, Hawkins goes on to deal with the shamanic religious perspective, which has to do the way the spiritual interacts with the material. He says:
Shamanic religion may be said to be more of a worldview than a formal religion. Its essential nature flows from a belief that all things are, in some sense, imbued with a life force and, to a limited extent, consciousness. Thus the world of the shamanic peoples is one inhabited by myriad spirits who can affect people’s lives for good or ill. This worldview is, in a sense, scientific stemming from shamanic peoples’ understanding of the concept of cause and effect: if something happens for which there is no visible cause, such as an illness or bad luck, it must necessarily follow that there is an invisible agent that is causing the visible disturbance, and that there are consequently whole worlds invisible to the average person.
I will not say that a scientific understanding is not important. But it is only important with respect to what it is that is trying to be explained. What it fails to account for is the meaning a practice has in the life an individual and community. But this very act of failing to account for the meaning is not that the meaning is somehow misplaced or ignored. It is often confused with being something it is not. For example, in certain Filipino healers’ medicinal practices, sleight of hand is used to apparently fool the patient into thinking s/he has been cured.[7] The researcher than concludes that, obviously, the healer and the patient think that the object of the sleight of hand – essentially, that which was ailing the patient – was physically taken out. I do not deny that some of these healers have taken advantage of many people financially. But what can also not be denied is that in many cases, cures have been affected (just as in many cases they have not). What is difficult to separate here is the sense of causal connection. But is the person affecting the cure and the one being affected by the cure think in the same way as a Western observer who is thinking in terms of a scientific paradigm?
A similar interpretation is given when talking about Shamanistic practices with respect to the use of entheogens, that is, any plant derived substance that is used to bring on a spiritual experience. Some think that this experience to be exactly the same as a hallucination. In other words, the plant has certain physical, chemical properties which stimulate certain brain structures to react in a certain way. One characteristic of the reaction is that we hallucinate.
The language of causation is difficult to escape because we deal in terms of empirical objects all the time and it is found in every culture. What is important to distinguish, however, is the relevance certain peoples put on conceptions of reality. Who is to say that the person going to the shaman or healer does not already know that there is sleight of hand or that certain plants are going to be used and those plants cause visions. One should keep in mind that these people also witness when the shaman or medicine doctors fail to deliver. With regards to the cases that do not end in successful operations, it turns out that it is not necessarily so that the people stop going. The opposite is true - people from the same village continue to go to the shaman or medicine doctor. Yet they know about causation, physical objects, and to a certain degree, technology. Are they so ignorant that they do not see what we see? To say ‘yes’ or to say that they have not yet advanced scientifically enough is to miss these people’s important religious response to the practice and perhaps confuse it with the mechanistic, scientific response, which at times may come up with very wrong conclusions with respect to the meaning a person of faith puts on a particular practice. In this case what is missed has to do with the question of faith. This is one reason why it is called not just healing, but faith healing. It has a religious component that cannot be explored by science. And it will not do to say that they are stupid people or too provincial to know the difference. If we observe, these people know about the wider world of, for example, transportation technology – they know that they have to put gasoline in trucks in order to make them run, plant seeds and water the soil to grow crops, use an axe to chop wood and use tools to build houses, etc. They recognize that there is a difference. What needs to be reflected on for us is the nature of that difference. Whatever it is, however, what must be recognized, at least in some cases, is not an empirical difference, but a difference in kind. One example: it is like comparing apples and oranges and asking which one is better. An even more radical yet poignant example is comparing apples and wrenches and asking which one is better. The answer: it depends on what you want to do or are trying to get at.
[1] See Harry Nelson and Robert Jurmain, Introduction to Physical Anthropology (St. Paul: West Publishing Company, 1988), 537f.
[2] I Tattersall, “What do we mean by human –and why does it matter?” Evolutionary Anthropology 3 (4): 114.
[3] Michael Alan Park, Biological Anthropology (
[4] Ibid., 295.
[5] Bradley Hawkins, Asian Religions (
[6] Ake Hultkrantz, “Religion Before History,” Introduction to World Religions, edited by Christopher Partridge (Mnneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005), 41.
[7] See James McClenon, Wonderous Healing: Shamanism, Human Evolution, and the Origin of Religion, 8-7. [Read


